Transformation of Society in Portugal and Integration into the EEC

Transformation of Society in Portugal and Integration into the ECC

By Aurízia Anica - English translation of the Portuguese original by Fernando Carrapiço - both Escola Superior de Educação da Universidade do Algarve - Faro, PORTUGAL, 1997

Contribution to the EDUVINET "European Identity" subject

1. What did the Portuguese populace expect from integration into the EEC?

On June 12^th. 1985, during the signing ceremony of the Final Act, joining Portugal (and Spain) to the EEC, which took place in the Mosteiro dos Jerónimos, the Prime Minister, Mário Soares, affirmed that the joining of Portugal to the EEC represented a fundamental option for the future of progress and modernity. This option was seen by him to have been the natural consequence of the processes of de-colonialization and democratization made possible by the Revolution of April 25^th. 1974. On the same day the President of the Republic, Ramalho Eanes, believed that integration brought with it factors of uncertainty and risk but, at the same time, it was an opportunity for change. These interpretations of the significance of the joining not only altered the viewpoint of the majority of the political class of the time but, also, that of the majority of the population of whom the most critical were not present at the ceremony of the Monastery of Jerónimos, and admit to being poorly informed and aloof from the lengthy process of negotiation - begun eight years previously - and of how things might turn out. The more middle-of-the-road critics tended to be from the Confederation of Portuguese Industries who disagreed with the way in which the joining was conducted; the most biting criticisms came from the Portuguese Communist Party and in the Confederation of Portuguese Industries and of the National Trade Union who could not associate themselves, on grounds of an ideological and historic rationale, to an economic plan concerned with trade.

Once the empire had come to a close, with the independence of Guinea and Cape Verde (1974), S. Tomé and Principé (1975), Mozambique and Angola (1975); and the revolutionary period having ceased, with the approval of the Constitution of 1976, in which the Portuguese Republic was redefined as a democratic state, pluralist and in a state of flux towards socialism - a formula which allowed for openess in party political opinion of the time - encouraged the overcoming of problems of identity provoked, during this period, by such deep and rapid changes and, at the same time, to engender a viable situation in which to recover the time lost by the protectionist and colonialist attitude, upto April 25^th. and mostly for the collectivist and revolutionary attitude which came thereafter. In fact, the invasive onslaught on private property in the various economic sectors (nationalization, agricutural reform and the control of labour) and the resulting beurocratization of the economy; the social tussles and the policies for the redistribution of wealth linked with it; the disappearance of capital and the stripping of assets [desinvestimento]; all these aspects that were typical of the years of internal structure during the years '74 - '75, contributed to the worsening of the critical international economic structure, followed sequentially since the end of 1973. In 1975, the gross national product (GNP) dropped (-4.3%), exports and imports diminished (-14.1% and -22.7%, respectively); the amounts sent by immigrants, tourism and agricultural productivity also, moneys relating to trade with the ex-colonies lessened noticeably. The increase in National Budget deficit and unemployment can be added to the aforementioned signs of a crisis, which escaped worse due to an attendant enlargement of consumption in the private sector of benefits in the social politics which were realized at the time. Despite the crisis, wages rose 12% in 1974 and 9% in 1975.

The application to join the Common Market was made by the prime-minister of the 1^st. Constitutional Government on April 28^th. 1977, must be taken as move to solve the structural crisis, referred to above and to solve Portuguese economic structural deficiencies (the dwindling of both agriculture and the specialization in export of traditional industrial products). Actually, it is important to recall that in October, 1975, the Common Market was to put at the disposal of Portugal, a colossal loan, re-negotiated the following year to not only cover the area of trade but also that of co-operation and of labour. As for the rest, the Estado Novo (New State) (1933-1974) forced by circumstances, had come to enjoy a alliance with Europe, starting from the sixties, when the industrialization option pursued since the previous decade, demanded the replacement of the principle of economic union of the empire, for that of the principle of economic union within Europe. Portugal, which benefited from the 2^nd. Stage of the Marshall Plan (1948) and which was a founder member of OECE (1948) and of EFTA (1960), wound up by celebrated and agreement with the EEC, in 1973, where it found its main European partners: England and Germany. As a result, the joining with the EEC, in 1985, did not mean the return to Europe, but a full identification with a scheme for an open society, democratic and geared to well-being which by now was desired by and ever-swelling number of Portuguese, especially since the end of the fifties.

From the economic point of view, the negotiation phase for entry of Portugal into the EEC, from 1977 to 1985, can be split into 4 periods: the 1^st. of standardization, from 1976-77, during which the return to the proper working of firms was sought, the confidence of business people and the checking of the foreign trade deficit; the 2^nd. of development from 1978-79, in which the tight restrictive tendencies of the above were accentuated, taking advantage of extremely high foreign loans and to the 1^st. agreement with the IMF (International Monetary Fund), with a view to the foreign economic balance; the 3^rd. of return to the difficulties of foreign economic stability, from 1980-83, as a result of internal expansionist politics linked with the international crisis; the 4^th. of economic stabilization, from 1983-84, with the 2^nd. Agreement with the IMF thorough which a balance of payments with foreign accounts was achieved. At the moment that Portugal formally became a EEC member, even if it was made to feel the burden of the recent accomplishment of this last programme of the IMF, unemployment and inflation had grown; wages, in reality, had gone down along with private spending. In this setting, it is to be understood that even the most devoted protagonists might have come out into the open to air their doubts about the ability and the willingness of the Portuguese to put to proper use, those funds made available by the EEC. The exceedingly tight policies limiting the buying power of the working class, who saw their acquisitive capability harshly impaired from 1976 to 1979 and from 1982 to 1984, provoked a contention, less powerful that might have been expected. This reality drew the social scientists towards heightening the role of moonlight economy, of the masses of immigrants and of family smallholdings becoming involved in obtaining extra income to supplement their wages, an income which has allowed for a growth in spending outlay and a temperance in social disharmony. Socio-economic modernization compels the response which might completely cope with the moribund forms of solidarity and the deficiencies of a recent Estado Providência , insolvent and, itself, in need of giving a rational interpretation of its expenses.

The materialization of economic expansion which took longer in Portugal than in [the rest of] Europe, taking up the entire half decade of 1986 to 1992, the course of liberalization of de-nationalization evolved in order to align Portugal with Community norms and the increase in the flow of funds from the EEC (increase limited by the demands of control on state expenditure, usually with joint involvement in projects financed by the EEC), sped up and deepened the economic and social changes already under way, requiring response to the new-sprung needs and for the new problems, but not ceasing in the creation of a setting for the continuation of realistic optimism which prevails, still, in Portuguese society, with regard to European integration.

2. In what manner has Portuguese society changed?

The social changes of the last ten years have shown a tendency towards the breaking down of the rifts between north and south, between the city and the country - rifts that the social scientists came to identify as typical of Portuguese society, until the beginning of the sixties. The geographical dualism have tended to give way to socio-economic dualism, according to some, or to a uniformity [levelling], according to others. But it is important not to forget the continuity running side by side with innovation.

Look, first, at the population. In mainland Portugal the population was 8.9 million in 1960, 8.7 million in 1970, 9.8 million in 1981 and 9.9 million inhabitants in 1991. The annual growth rate changed from -0.33% in the 1960's, to 1.35% in the 1970's, decreasing to 0.03% in the 1980's. The population growth in the 60's is due, largely, to the heavy flow of Portuguese emigrants to mainland Europe, mostly to France. In the 70's emigration stopped and a reverse phenomenon starts to occur; more than half a million persons from the ex-colonies came into Portugal, whom it was necessary to integrate socially and professionally. Portugal passed, then, to being like a magnetic pole of attraction to émigreés, mainly from African countries of Portuguese tongue, but also originating from Brazil and some European countries. In the 80's, population growth stagnates as a result of renewed but moderate emigration - compensated by the flow of immigrants - and due to the lowering of the birth-rate (in 1970, the average descent of a woman was 3.0 children; in 1991 it was 1.6). As time passes women manage more effectively to control birth-rate which, in continental Europe they do in a more or less racially consistent pattern. Making up to some extent for this trend, a drastic fall (87%) is noted in the infant-mortality rate since the 60's. The widespread vaccination of children and the general educational and health improvements in the country, improvements in nutrition and of hygene explain this change and, also, it extended to the spreading of a new attitude of the value of children. At birth, the life expentancy of women rose (11.1 years) and for men (9.6 years), aswell as that for the age of 65 years (for women being 3.3 years more and for men 1.4 years). As a result, the Portuguese population underwent and doubling in ageing druing recent decades. Families composed of 1 and 2 individuals which represented 30.3% in 1960, increased to 39.1%, while those with more than five individulas wnet down. New forms of relationships between the sexes, the abundnace of women appearing in the national workforce, the improvements in schooling and the de-ecclesiastization of society can also explain the increase in marriages outside the Catholic church, of divorces and children born out of wedlock - changes which have accompanied other developments in the social fabric.

Taking a look at the population distribution throughout the country, there has been a trend towards the coastal and urban areas, the same applies to the migration of folk form the rural areas, particularly those of the interior. 80% of the population is concentrated in the coastal strip around the country, there being about 40% inhabiting the metropoitan areas of Lisbon and Porto, while some regions have been abandoned as is the case in the north, the central interior, the Alentejo and the hills of the Algarve.

The speeding up of the changes of Portuguese social structure had been put forward noted in the sixties, but this assertion does not oppose the fact that differing rythms of change are observable during this time. Just a few of the relevant aspects of these changes have been chosen and are presented below. The population distribution became radically divided into sections of diverse economic activity: as the percentage of individuals active in the "Primary Sector" (from 43.6% in 1960, to 19.7% in 1981 and 11.6% in 1992), the "Tertiary Sector" increased (from 27.5% to 41.6% and 55.2% for the same years). The flight from the "Primary Sector" was launched mainly by the younger male population, which explains, on the one hand, the feminization of the sector and, on the other hand, that the highest incidence of illiteracy is recorded here in comparison with the other economic sectors. The percentage of individuals active in the "Secondary Sector" goes up to 38.7% in 1981, but the trend is the converse from this point on. In keeping with the the down-shift in the economy, the feminization of the "Tertiary Sector" becomes evident and this absorbs the growing and unexpected needs for female labour now entering into the labour market. The number of women with paid professions, more than doubled during the last twenty years and if, in some professional groups, women were already in the majority (as was the case in number of intellectual, scientific and technical professions and in those of administrative, commerce and personal services), in other groups this does not actually happen (as for example, those of direstorships and boards of directors). The feminization of the student population in universities (in 1992, women represented 60% of university students, while in 1960 it did not exceed 29.5%) and the academic achievement of female students tended to enhance a higher success-rate for the female contingent in professions demanding higher levels of qualification. The principle of equality between men and women in all walks of life, consecrated by the Constitution of 1976, was later applied to the particular laws regarding marriage (1978) and work (1979), paternal rights (1995).

Notwithstanding this; it is evident that social practice precedes, or follows, or is adapted to legislation according to a variety of strategies; and, also, in this case, even if the settling of attitudes in behaviour and in values held is a long way off. But it is a fact that relationships and manifestations of this type are changing in Portuguese society. Under recent investigation, it has been shown that social patterns of behaviour of both men and women, have undergone a small, gradual change towards greater similarity, insofar as men have traditionally regarded the woman as of lower social station, for instance: in her capacity for work, her intelligence and physical strength while the man was regarded as being inferior in those roles traditionally considered the effective domain of the typical woman. The raising of obligatory minimum years of schooling from 4 to 6 years and more recently to 9 years, secondary education for the masses, the increased openness of university education, the spreading of mass-communication, the coming of world-wide economy, tourism for the masses, the return of emigrants, the entering into the EEC and the changes in social behaviour resulting from these, are forceful factors in the levelling of channels and of values. It is in this context that one can understand the trend towards a relative closing of the gap in differences in patterns of spending of Portuguese families, even though one cannot see the same trend in terms of income.

An analysis of the results of an opinions-poll which took place in May of 1995, suggests that the majority of Portuguese consider that there is no alternative to going into the EEC, even though they regognize, on the other hand, that fisheries, agriculture and employment suffered, and funds from the EEC were put to use badly. In an enquiry, made recently into top politicians, in economy and unions on the publications of the effects of entry into the EEC, it may be seen that the vast majority of those into whom the inquiry was made, judge very favourably the first ten years of the union with Europe. The positive effects noted by most of those interviewed are in the field of spending, of infrastructure, of production (technological modernization in some sectors) and of the rights of citizens. The negative effects noted by most of the interviewees are those of the increase in unemployment, of poverty and social alienation, of moonlighting and the debt to National Insurance. It seems that the realism in evaluating the impact of integration into Europe has not destroyed the initial optimism.

3. The challenge, now...

From the above-mentioned lines of development, there emerge some of the challenges for the present. The concern for the stability of the environment and with the standard of living [or life-style] requires a policy for the usage of "space" which might attain the aims of re-establishing stability, bearing in mind the new truths being embodied and the ends to be achieved. The problems created by the ageing of the population, by the disappearance of traditional solidarity, by the evolution of new family structures, until now, minuscule and by some untoward effects of economic development, demand a redefinition of social policy by the government which might not make for the occurrence of new inequalities nor for the aggravation of the old ones.

The majority of Portuguese are convinced that the best method to tackle the pressures of globalization is the full integration into the European Union. For this reason, efforts have been made to accomplish those criteria required for a single unit of currency as outlined in Maastricht. The success of these efforts must not make one forget that, taking part in an open economy which suffers, in its turn, from the pressures of globalization, Portugal needs to respond to the urgent claims of this twofold intercalation. In this context, the challenge of competitiveness continues to be of foremost importance which is closely linked with two other onerous tasks: The one of quality and the other of identity. Competitiveness presupposes advancement in the camps of technology, economy and society; the restructuring of identity presupposes the discovery of special "realities" in the EU and in the world at large. From this comes the need to raise the quality of production and of services, which demands better training beforehand and during the service, either for those in service, operators, or for the élites. The centres of excellence, faced with the task of spreading a motive force in innovation and quality, find themselves linked more and more to the making of participation-networks of European or Atlantic scale, in economy, in teaching and in investigation. On this side, the idea of the importance of a return to Africa has become evident, a return in which it would fall to the Portuguese to act as "carriers of the mission" in the plans involving Africans, Europeans and Americans. Plans involving can be emphasized, as much as to say, development plans based upon dialogue, upon co-operation and in a proper respect of the cultures of those involved.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY

For an introduction to the subject, the following works can be consulted:-

AA. VV. 1982, Conferência Sobre Regionalização e Desenvolvimento, Lisboa, IN/CM-IED.

ALMEIDA, João Ferreira de, et al., 1992, Exclusão Social, Oeiras Celta Editora.

BANDEIRA, Mário Leston, 1996, Demografia E Modernidade. Família E Transição Demográfica Em Portugal, Lisboa, IN/CM.

BARRETO, António, (Coord.), 1996, A Situação Social Em Portugal, 1960-1995, Lisboa, ICS.

FERREIRA, Pedro Moura, et al., 1993, Delinquência E Criminalidade Recenseadas Dos Jovens Em Portugal (1980-1989), Lisboa, ICS-IJ.

LOPES, Ernâni Rodrigues, et al., 1989, Portugal: O Desafio Dos Anos Noventa, Lisboa, Editorial Presença.

MATTOSO, José (dir.), 1994, História De Portugal, volumes VII e VIII, Lisboa, Círculo de Leitores.

MEDINA, João (dir.), 1993, História De Portugal, volumes XIII, XIV, XV, Amadora, Ediclube.

OLIVEIRA, César (dir.), 1996, História Dos Municípios E Do Poder Local (Dos Finais Da Idade Média À União Europeia), Lisboa, Círculo de Leitores.

REIS, António (Coord.), 1994, Portugal. 20 Anos De Democracia, Lisboa, Círculo de Leitores.

SANTOS, Boaventura de Sousa, 1990, O Estado E A Sociedade (1974-1988), Porto, Edições Afrontamento.

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(1) S. Costa, "Estereótipo da mulher em Portugal e a sua relação com a discriminação no trabalho", an article in the "Expresso", February 1st 1997. "The Stereotype Portuguese Women in her Relationship to Discrimination in Employment"

(2) "Expresso", May 6th. 1995. A poll which took place between My 2nd and 3rd of the same year.

(3) "Expresso", February 15th. 1997. Juan Mozzicafreddo is responsibile for this study.